Shopping, Cliffs, Greece, Two-Tiered Justice, Doha, Infrastructure
by Sinclair Noe
by Sinclair Noe
DOW
– 42 = 12,967
SPX – 2 = 1406
NAS + 9 = 2976
10 YR YLD -.03 = 1.66%
OIL + 1.22 = 86.67
GOLD – 2.50 = 1750.40
SILV + .05 = 34.28
SPX – 2 = 1406
NAS + 9 = 2976
10 YR YLD -.03 = 1.66%
OIL + 1.22 = 86.67
GOLD – 2.50 = 1750.40
SILV + .05 = 34.28
Well,
I survived Black Friday, which actually creeped into Black Thursday;
I made it through Shop Small Saturday, and I've arrived at Cyber
Monday. Tomorrow will be Buyers' Remorse Tuesday. Don't forget Credit
Card Shock January. I have not and will not go into debt for the
holidays. Consumer debt is the worst.
A
rebound in housing and the job market, along with a drop in household
debt, has led additional consumers to say they’ll buy more this
holiday. A new survey from the Credit Union National Association and
the Consumer Federation of America shows 12 percent said they would
boost spending, the highest level since 15 percent in 2007, while 38
percent said they would spend less.
According
to the National Retail Federation, retail sales for the weekend are
up about 13% from a year ago. Online
shopping on Black Friday rose 26 percent to exceed $1 billion for the
first time. Spending in stores and online rose to $59 billion in the
four days starting Nov. 22. Customers spent $423 on average this
weekend, up 6.3 percent from last year. The 13 percent jump in total
spending suggests that some sales were pulled ahead from December and
that retailers will have to keep up the promotions to avoid a lull.
Retailers are going to have to get creative, such as price discounts
or special events, to keep the customer engaged
Major indexes last week gained 3 to 4 percent, with the Dow above 13,000 and the S&P above 1,400 for the first time since November 6. Those gains represented a turnaround from recent losses founded on worries about Washington's ability to solve budgetary problems.
Major indexes last week gained 3 to 4 percent, with the Dow above 13,000 and the S&P above 1,400 for the first time since November 6. Those gains represented a turnaround from recent losses founded on worries about Washington's ability to solve budgetary problems.
Once
again today, the fiscal cliff and the Euro-crisis seemed to weigh on
Wall Street, or maybe it was just a good excuse. The White House
threw cold water on a proposal that tried to avoid the "fiscal
cliff" of spending cuts and tax hikes by limiting tax deductions
and loopholes, instead of allowing tax rates to rise for the richest
Americans. Investors are hoping for advances in talks over the $600
billion in spending cuts and tax hikes scheduled to begin next year,
which threaten to drag the U.S. economy back into recession.
The
White House released a report today that warns of the catastrophic
consequences if Republicans allow the tax bill for the middle class
to rise $2,200 by not freezing middle class tax cuts. The report says
that going over the cliff could take a combined $800 billion or so,
out of the economy.
In
its report, entitled “The Middle-Class Tax Cuts’ Impact on
Consumer Spending & Retailers,” prepared by the National
Economic Council and the Council of Economic Advisers, the White
House argues that if Congress allows the middle-class tax cuts to
expire, the economy would be devastated—the growth of the GDP could
be slowed by 1.4 percentage points and consumers could spend an
estimated $200 billion less than they would have in 2013 just because
of the higher taxes. While Republicans are trying to get Democrats to
agree to larger cuts in entitlements, Democrats are trying to hold
the line on entitlement cuts while getting Republicans to agree on
tax hikes for the wealthy.
In
an op-ed article in the New York Times today, Warren Buffet Buffett
asks readers to imagine they've been offered a great investment
opportunity. The Oracle of Omaha concludes from his decades of
experience in the investment world that most wouldn't shy away from
an opportunity just because they might have to pay more in taxes.
"Only in Grover Norquist’s imagination does such a response
exist," Buffett writes.
Buffet
writes that solving the country's deficit problem and getting the
economy on track requires raising taxes on the rich and higher taxes
won't keep the super-rich from trying to make money. He calls for a
minimum 30% tax on incomes between $1 million and $10 million. At
first blush, his position seems noble: A rich guy says that people
like him should pay more to support the commonwealth. But on closer
examination, one realizes that Mr Buffett never mentions doing
anything to eliminate the tax-avoidance strategies that he uses most
aggressively. And don't forget, we have been talking for a couple of
years about the fact that Buffet pays less tax than his secretary,
which means there is a huge gap between tax rates in theory and tax
rates after the accountants have shredded the code.
The
brunt of the cliff could be delayed, however. For instance, the
Treasury Department and the Internal Revenue Service could wait to
adjust withholding tax tables, which determine how much money is
taken out of paychecks. Tax rates could also be fixed retroactively.
The Federal Reserve is clothed in immense monetary power and has a
few tricks up its sleeve that could keep money flowing to the
government despite Congress. And the spending cuts to defense and
domestic programs may be phased in over time rather than crashing
down all at once at the beginning of January.
Part of the strategy might be to go over the cliff and let the blame fall; knowing that wherever the blame falls, that party will be forced to cave in. Of course, the whole process is being painted as a potential catastrophe, when it is in fact just politics as usual.
Finance
ministers from the 17 countries sharing the euro, the European
Central Bank and the IMF were locked in a third round of talks today
to decide how to make Greek debt, expected to rise to 190 percent of
GDP next year, more sustainable by reducing it to 120 percent or
below by 2020. The International Monetary Fund wants Euro-zone
finance ministers to agree to cut Greece's debt by 20 percent of GDP
now and commit to further debt reduction in the future to get the
country's finances back on a sustainable path. The IMF and the
ministers are at odds on how to achieve the goal, with the IMF
pushing for a bolder reduction of Greek debt through the forgiveness
of some of the official loans to Athens which now make up the bulk of
the country's obligations. Greece's biggest creditor, Germany,
opposes any debt forgiveness for Athens.
The
IMF argues that if there is no debt reduction up front, the Greek
economy will not grow, nobody will invest and Greeks themselves will
not spend, derailing other macro-economic assumptions of its
adjustment program.
Mary
Schapiro will step down as chairman of the Securities and Exchange
Commission next month; Schapiro has lead the SEC since being
appointed in 2009. President Obama designated Elisse Walter, an SEC
commissioner, to replace Schapiro.
Under
Schapiro, the SEC reached its largest settlement ever with a
financial institution. Goldman Sachs agreed in July 2010 to pay $550
million to settle civil fraud charges that it misled investors about
mortgage securities before the housing market collapsed in 2007.
Similar settlements followed with Citigroup, JPMorgan Chase and
others. The SEC has authority to pursue civil charges.
Although
there were large fines, there was little accountability required by
Schapiro's SEC. For example, in the Goldman Sachs case: no senior
executives were singled out. The penalty amounted to roughly two
weeks of earnings at Goldman. And Goldman was allowed to settle the
charges without admitting or denying any wrongdoing, as were other
large banks that faced similar charges.
Among
the leading critics was U.S. District Judge Jed Rakoff, who
questioned how the SEC could allow an institution to settle serious
securities fraud without any admission or denial of guilt. Rakoff
later threw out a $285 million deal with Citigroup because of that
aspect of the deal.
Regulators
sued Intrade today. Intrade is the online prediction market that
gained popularity as an informal oddsmaker for the presidential
election, saying it illegally let customers bet on future economic
data, the price of gold and even acts of war. The Commodity Futures
Trading Commission said in a complaint in federal court that Intrade
and its operator solicited customers to trade investment contracts
that technically are options. Options must be traded on approved,
regulated exchanges.
The
private Swiss bank, Pictet, is under investigation by US authorities
trying to determine if the bank helped wealthy Americans seeking to
avoid paying taxes. The investigation is part of a global offensive
on the tradition of strict banking secrecy that has helped
Switzerland build up a $2 trillion offshore wealth management
industry. UBS
was the first Swiss bank to come under scrutiny by the US authorities
in a tax evasion crackdown, an investigation it settled in 2009 by
handing over client data, admitting wrongdoing, and paying a $780
million fine to avert prosecution. US officials have subsequently
mined the UBS data as well as a flood of voluntary disclosures by
U.S. citizens and have widened their investigation to other Swiss
banks, including Credit Suisse and Julius Baer. Switzerland is trying
to get those investigations dropped in return for the payment of
fines and the transfer of names of US clients. It is also seeking a
deal to shield the remainder of its 300 or so banks from US
prosecution.
Tax
avoidance, flash crash trading from Knight Capital, insider trading
at SAC, don't forget MF Global. The new head of the SEC should get
busy, and please, please no more deals that don't admit or deny
guilt. I'm getting sick of two-tiered justice.
That
radical green pressure group PriceWaterhouseCoopers warns that even
if the current rate of global decarbonisation were to double, we
would still be on course for six degrees of warming by the end of the
century. Confining the rise to two degrees requires a sixfold
reduction in carbon intensity: far beyond the scope of current
policies. The World Bank, another group of tree-huggers, expects
warming in the range of 4 degrees.
And
that Brings us to Doha 2012, in the gas-rich, gas-flaring nation of
Qatar. The
tiny Persian Gulf emirate owes its wealth to large deposits of gas
and oil, and it emits more greenhouse gases per capita than any other
nation. And it is now playing host to a United Nations
climate change summit, which tend to be messy affairs, going back to
the 1997 conference that produced the Kyoto Protocol, which has now
largely unraveled. While
there is always the potential for a diplomatic disaster at any
negotiation involving 194 countries, the agenda for the two-week Doha
convention includes an array of highly technical matters but nothing
that is likely to bring the process to a screaming halt.
Despite
the occasional chaos at the summits over the past three years,
negotiators achieved a number of significant steps, including pledges
by most major countries to reduce their emissions of climate-altering
gases, a promise by rich nations to mobilize $100 billion a year by
2020 to help more vulnerable states adapt to climate change, a system
for verifying emissions cuts and programs to help slow deforestation.
The delegates in Doha hope to firm up these promises and create the
concrete means to fulfill them.
The
success of the Doha 2012 talks will likely hinge on the approach of
the world’s two biggest greenhouse gas emitters and robust
economies, the United States and China.
In
the aftermath of Hurricane Sandy, which inflicted tens of billions of
dollars in damage, it’s might sound like a good idea to take some
preventive measures. Sandy was not an isolated incident: only last
year, Hurricane Irene caused nearly sixteen billion dollars in
damage, and there is a growing consensus that extreme weather events
are becoming more common and more damaging. The annual cost of
natural disasters in the US has doubled over the past two decades.
Instead of just cleaning up after disasters hit, we would be wise to
take steps to make them less destructive in the first place.
There
are several interesting ideas, including building seawalls , burying
power lines, and elevating buildings and subway entrances. The
question is whether we can find the political will to invest in such
ideas. Several new York politicians have called for major new
investment in disaster prevention, but it appears Congress is more
willing to spend money on relief than on preparedness. That’s what
history would lead you to expect: for the most part, the U.S. has
shown a marked bias toward relieving victims of disaster, while
underinvesting in prevention. A study by the economist Andrew Healy
and the political scientist Neil Malhotra showed that, between 1985
and 2004, the government spent annually, on average, fifteen times as
much on disaster relief as on preparedness.
Politically speaking, it’s always easier to shell out money for a disaster that has already happened, with clearly identifiable victims, than to invest money in protecting against something that may or may not happen in the future. Voters reward politicians for spending money on post-disaster cleanup, but not for investing in disaster prevention, and it’s only natural that politicians respond to this incentive. The federal system complicates matters, too: local governments want decision-making authority, but major disaster-prevention projects are bound to require federal money. And much crucial infrastructure in the U.S. is owned by the private sector, not the government, which makes it harder to do something like bury power lines.
We’ve been skimping on maintenance of roads and bridges for decades. In 2009, the American Society of Civil Engineers gave our infrastructure a D grade, and estimated that we’d need $2.2 trillion to bring it up to snuff. Our power grid is, by the standards of the developed world, shockingly unreliable. A study by three Carnegie Mellon professors in 2006 found that average annual power outages in the U.S. last four times as long as those in France and seven times as long as those in the Netherlands.
Disaster-prevention measures are expensive: a New York seawall might cost from ten to twenty billion dollars. Yet inaction can be even more expensive; after Katrina, the government had to spend more than a hundred billion dollars on relief and reconstruction; and there are good reasons to believe that disaster-control measures could save money in the long run. The A.S.C.E. estimates that federal spending on levees pays for itself six times over, and studies of other flood-control measures find benefit-to-cost ratios of three or four to one. A 2005 independent study of disaster-mitigation grants made by FEMA found that every dollar in grants ended up saving taxpayers $3.65 in avoided costs. Right now, it's cheap to borrow money for infrastructure; the projects would create immediate employment.
The
size of our current deficit does not change the math.
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