Showing posts with label Simon Johnson. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Simon Johnson. Show all posts

Friday, January 3, 2014

Friday, January 03, 2014 - Trust Me

Trust Me
by Sinclair Noe

DOW + 28 = 16,469
SPX – 0.61 = 1831
NAS – 11 = 4131
10 YR YLD + .01 = 2.99%
OIL – 1.30 = 94.14
GOLD + 15.00 = 1239.00
SILV + .14 = 20.25

Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke will retire from public service at the end of the month, and likely wander off to be a well paid consultant or director at one or more banks or private equity firms. Today he gave what might be his final speech as the Fed head. Speaking at the American Economic Association forum in Philadelphia, Bernanke said that even though the FOMC announced taper in December, they were still committed to highly accommodative monetary policy for as long as needed; "Rather, it reflected the progress we have made toward our goal of substantial improvement in the labor market outlook that we set out when we began the current purchase program in September 2012.”

He tempered the good news in housing, finance and fiscal policies by repeating that the overall recovery "clearly remains incomplete", adding that the number of long-term unemployed Americans "remains unusually high." This is something like the doctor telling you the cancer has been cured but there is still a massive tumor. As of the November jobs report, the labor market has 1.3 million fewer jobs than December of 2007. In a healthy environment, we would have seen jobs added as the population grew; the economy would have needed to add 6.6 million jobs just to maintain the level of December 2007. Counting jobs lost plus jobs that should have been gained to absorb all those people coming into the labor market, the economy had a shortfall of 7.9 million jobs as of November 2013.

So, as QE tapers into the sunset, what tools does the Fed have to juice the economy? Bernanke said the central bank has the tools - including adjusting the rate on excess bank reserves and so-called reverse repurchase agreements, or repos - to return to a normal policy stance without resorting to asset sales. And then he added: "It is possible, however, that some specific aspects of the Federal Reserve's operating framework will change." That sounds a bit cryptic, but remember there is a thing called Permanent Open Market Operations, which is when the Fed buys or sells securities outright in order to add or drain reserves available in the banking system. There is plenty the Fed could do, and most of it will likely not filter down to Main Street.

Americans have a very pessimistic view of our government, and we don't trust elected officials to solve the nation's biggest problem. A new poll by the AP-NORC Center for Public Affairs finds half believe the American system of democracy needs either "a lot of changes" or a complete overhaul. Just 1 in 20 says it works well and needs no changes. The percentage of Americans saying the nation is heading in the right direction hasn't topped 50 in about a decade. In the new poll, 70% lack confidence in the government's ability "to make progress on the important problems and issues facing the country in 2014."

Local and state governments inspire more faith than the federal government, with 45% at least moderately confident in their state government and 54% expressing that much confidence in their local government. Other results of the poll show 86% of those who called health care reform a top priority said they want the government to put "a lot" or "a great deal" of effort into it, but about half of them are "not at all confident" there will be real progress; 65% who consider the budget and national debt to be a priority don't believe the government can fix the problem; 57% say "we need a strong government to handle today's complex economic problems." Even among those who say "the less government the better," 31 percent feel the nation needs a strong government to handle those complex problems.

Simon Johnson is the former chief economist for the IMF; he has written books and some great articles about how the banksters have effectively taken over the government. He provided an update in the New York Times, saying:

When middle-income “emerging markets” encounter a financial crisis because of dysfunctional incentives in the banking system, the obvious reaction is to adopt reforms that make banks safer…Prominent people in other sectors are deeply annoyed at the collateral damage caused by excessive risk-taking by bankers.
And in most middle-income countries, the financial sector comprises at most a few percentage points of gross domestic product…
In contrast, in a country like the United States or Britain, the financial sector is much larger as a percent of G.D.P. – from 7 to 9 percent, depending on how exactly you measure it. This is a direct result of having accumulated more financial assets – a direct result of prosperity and the reasonable desire to save for retirement.
In addition, because rich countries are able to issue a great deal of government debt in the short-term and have central banks with credibility in limiting inflation, they are able to provide very large amounts of support, direct and indirect, that prevent prominent financial companies from collapsing.
There is no sector in the modern United States or Britain that is willing to stand up to big banks in the political arena. And top financial-sector executives continue to enjoy such high prestige that they are still called upon to run public finances.
Five years after the worst crisis since the 1930s, the conventional wisdom in Washington is once again that United States is a bastion of global stability and that it is important for the national interest that the financial sector should remain basically as is.
There is no desire to discuss how financial crises affect fiscal deficits and push up government debt. There is no inclination to recognize that providing support to parts of the financial sector undermines the legitimacy of the central bank.

The rise of finance is a mark of success – and it can also be most helpful to sustaining economic growth. But the political power of big financial institutions means trouble, because it provides cover for a high degree of private leverage that is prone to collapse.

Of course, hardly anyone is calling for a collapse in 2014; maybe a few perma-bears, but it's a tough case to sell. Most forecasters are warning stock investors not to expect another year of 30 percent gains, as there was in the S&P 500 in 2013. When the Federal Reserve said in September that the economy was too weak for the central bank to taper its purchase of securities, stocks went up. When the Fed said in December that it would begin to taper, stocks still went up. When the government shut down, stocks went down for a bit, then stocks went up. There seems to be a trend here, and trends continue until they end. The unanimity of forecasts may be cause for concern.

Each year about this time, people who talk about the markets and the economy are prone to make predictions, and most of them are wrong; some are right or nearly right but that isn't because the person has a crystal ball. Still, many people believe in the crystal ball and believe that some people actually know what stock prices will do and they go on CNBC or Fox and they talk to reporters and they give their money making knowledge away, but you know they don't give away this great knowledge out of pure charitable aspirations to aid humanity. Odds are that their words are designed to make people buy the very stocks in which they already have an investment, or otherwise churn positions for a commission. So, the market analysis is frequently nothing more than a slick sales pitch, and the wildly optimistic or pessimistic forecasts are little more than a way to separate from being lost in the herd.

We have similar problems with economists. If you head a big pharmaceutical company and you want to strengthen your patent monopolies to allow you to charge more money for your drugs for a longer time, there is no shortage of economists who will argue your case, for a nice fee, mind you. If you run an investment bank and you want to avoid regulations and oversight, there are plenty of economists who can be purchased to draw impressive charts and claim that government interference will slow growth and cost jobs. The rules for responsible household budgeting are not the same as the rules for responsible federal-government budgeting. We get economics dumbed down for the masses, or distorted because there is money at stake. There are plenty of economists who, under the influence of moneyed interests, are willing to put forward arguments that don’t fit the data. For this reason, the public has rightly grown skeptical of economists.


And then there are the government officials who are willing to take impassioned stands on behalf of campaign donors, which is just bribery. And so we we don't trust elected officials to solve the nation's biggest problem. We have a pessimistic view of our ability to ever solve our problems. And that's unfortunate because our problems are solvable. 

Thursday, September 5, 2013

Thursday, September 05, 2013 - Mustering Support

Mustering Support
by Sinclair Noe

DOW + 6 = 14,937
SPX + 2 = 1655
NAS + 9 = 3658
10 YR YLD + .08 = 2.98%
OIL + 1.23 = 108.46
GOLD – 23.90 = 1368.70
SILV - .25 = 23.31

The war hasn't started, yet.

President Obama is in St. Petersburg Russia for the G-20 summit, he received a cordial but cool greeting from Russian President Vlad Putin, however Putin had harsh words for Secretary of State John Kerry, calling him flat out a “liar”, referring to his testimony regarding Syria, a close ally of Russia.The United States has given up trying to work with the U.N. Security Council on Syria, accusing Russia of holding the council hostage. Russia, backed by China, has used its veto power three times to block council resolutions condemning Assad's government and threatening it with sanctions. 


Yesterday, a Senate panel authorized military action in a “limited and specified manner”. A full vote is expected next week. Syria is dominating a summit with an official agenda focused on economic growth, monetary policy and global banking and tax rules. Obama began meeting with other leaders of the Group of 20 nations, trying to persuade allies to give the US a measure of political cover even if they withhold military support. Obama has already met with Shinzo Abe of Japan, Francois Hollande of France – who may be the only US ally taking part in a strike against Syria, and also a meeting with Dilma Rousseff of Brazil.

Brazil won't be part of any military action, and Rousseff might even cancel a planned trip to the White House in October 23rd; the reason has nothing to do with Syria. Rather the Brazilian President is a bit ticked off about information leaked by Edward Snowden that shows the US spied on communications between Rousseff and her top aides. Brazil’s Senate is creating a committee to probe the spying allegations and seek federal police protection for Glenn Greenwald, the journalist who revealed the documents from Snowden. Brazil's foreign minister said: “This represents an inadmissible and unacceptable violation of Brazilian sovereignty. This kind of practice doesn’t live up to the type of trust needed to have a strategic partnership.”

Indeed, the pressure for military action in Syria will find reluctance from several countries as it follows in the footsteps of the Snowden allegations. And if Obama can't muster international support for military intervention in Syria, it will make the job of Congressional support more difficult. Various handicappers believe the resolution would go down to defeat if the vote were held today. So far, the Administration has been unable to make much of a case, beyond moral outrage. In a post Iraq world, people are actually asking pertinent questions like: how long will it last? What is the objective? How much will it cost? So far these are unanswered or inadequately answered questions. It's interesting that they can always find money for military action isn't it?

It is entirely possible that we could soon witness the amazing spectacle of Congress defeating a war resolution backed by the president and every top elected leader.

Of course, a resolution can be defeated and not killed outright. Remember TARP? The first vote for TARP was defeated and it took a market swan dive, a second TARP vote, and the addition of lots of pork to reverse the initial vote. But also bear in mind that the reason TARP was initially voted down was the barrage of voter phone calls and e-mails against it, reportedly 99% opposed until financial services firms started getting employees to call in favor of the bill, which shifted the tally to a mere 80% or so of callers opposed.

Even if the President musters enough votes to strike Syria, at what political cost? Any president has a limited amount of political capital to mobilize support for his agenda, in Congress and, more fundamentally, with the American people. Time and again we have seen domestic agendas succumb to military adventures abroad — both because the military-industrial-congressional complex drains money that might otherwise be used for domestic goals, and because the public’s attention is diverted from urgent problems at home to exigencies elsewhere around the globe.

We've mentioned before that Syria is a minor player in the oil markets, but geographically any action there would have an affect on oil prices. The rarely noticed reason is that Syria is closely allied with Iran, and indeed this whole Syria thing may have more to do with Iran than Syria. Anyway, if something happens, we'll likely see a spike in oil prices. We've been seeing oil over $100 a barrel and gasoline above $3.40 a gallon for much of the last 3 years. Those prices would have shocked many Americans a few years ago, but have now become the new normal.

What changed? Well, Americans are breaking their addiction to driving, at least a little. We own fewer cars per household than just a few years ago. Unfortunately, some of the reduction in motor gasoline consumption directly relates to massive under-employment, especially among those under 25, as well as lower wages among the employed. And the cars we own are more fuel efficient. The average fuel efficiency for new cars sold in the US just six years ago was only 20.8 miles per gallon; today it's 24.8 MPG. That may not sound like much, but it's about a 20% improvement.

Higher domestic production and lower American consumption have meant declining imports of crude oil and petroleum products-- a reversal of another once seemingly inexorable trend. The economic burden of imported oil is represented not by the number of barrels, but instead by the real value of the resources we must surrender in order to obtain the oil. The dollar value of petroleum imports as a share of GDP has come down a little as a result of recent gains in production and conservation, but still remains significantly elevated relative to the levels of a decade ago.

Let's get back to economic news.

Tomorrow we'll see the monthly jobs report for August. We got some clues today. Jobless claims declined by 9,000 to 323,000 in the week ended Aug. 3. Employers seem to be holding the line on dismissals. Meanwhile, ADP, the private payroll processing firm issued their monthly report which showed companies increasing employment by 176,000 workers in August. The ADP report does not always match with the government report, but folks like to use it for guesstimates anyway. It's widely expected the economy added 175,000 to 180,000 jobs last month, up from July's gain of just 162,000. Anything over 200,000 would tilt the odds heavily in favor of the Fed beginning to taper QE security purchases at the FOMC meeting in two weeks.
 

Bill Gross, the head of PIMCO, in his September letter to investors says that central banks' easy money policies have become less effective in generating economic stability, and that zero-bound interest rates have threatened finance and investment in the "real economy."

Gross writes: "Why invest in financial or real assets if bond prices could only go down, and/or stock prices could no longer be pumped up via the artificial steroids of QE?"

Gross added that liquidity will be "challenged" when policymakers start to tighten easy money policies and stocks may also be "at risk" when the Fed ends its bond-buying program. In other words, the Fed's exit from QE might not be baked into the cake just yet.

If you've been listening to the Financial Review for more than a day or two, you know that I think the banking system poses a systemic threat to the economy. A few years ago I wrote a book called “Eat theBankers”, and you can follow these daily broadcasts at the website EattheBankers.com. So, it is reassuring for me when I hear others jumping on the bandwagon. I'm not going to go into detail, but Simon Johnson, the former chief economist for the International Monetary Fund, recently wrote an article for Bloomberg, and I'm posting the link: The title is: Bank Leverage is the DefiningDebate of Our Time.

The basic idea of the article is that excessive leverage could bring down the world economy again. And the next financial collapse could be even worse than what we experienced in the fall of 2008. The debate is between the Too Big to Fail Banks that want to take more risks precisely because they can draw on implicit or explicit government guarantees, and on the other side are sane people who realize that the banks could destroy the economy.

The banks don't want to set aside safe, reserves, they'd rather take that money and gamble. Letting banks calculate their own risk weights or develop their own methodologies makes no sense -- conflicts of interest predominate when you are too big to fail. But asking rating companies or government officials to come up with meaningful risk weights also is doomed to fail. They lack the information, motivation and compensation incentives to do this right.


We've had this debate before; at the beginning of the 20th century Teddy Roosevelt brought a case against JPMorgan's Northern Securities Company as part of the anti-trust movement. The case was ultimately decided by the Supreme Court in the government's favor. Had the monopolists won, instead of enjoying a vibrant competitive economy and a century of unprecedented growth that made the U.S. the world’s greatest power, we would have likely ended up like other unfortunate countries where a few oligarchs rule to the disservice of the broader public and the greater good of the economy.